How is the national Udmurt Gerber holiday celebrated? You are proud of the courage of your sons, Udmurtia.

Gerbers: about the traditional summer holiday of the Udmurts A.V. Korobeinikov, D.M. Sakharnykh The gerbera holiday, Udmurt in origin and flavor, has long been of a national character in Udmurtia and in popularity is perhaps ahead of even such a traditionally interethnic holiday as Sabantuy. Gerbers are celebrated in the summer. There is no connection to a specific calendar date. Often, residents of the Udmurt Republic are guided by the pre-announced time of the Republican folklore festival “Gerber” (over the past ten years, the date of this event has always fallen between June 10 and June 26). The festival is held every year in different places of Udmurtia with the participation and effective assistance of the republican leadership, whose work schedule also has to be taken into account by the organizers of this “main” gerbera, the program of which is a role model for organizing similar festivals locally. I. Modern summer holiday gerberas symbolize the end of spring field work. It is this formulation that the republican mass media repeats almost unanimously every year. It can be especially funny to read such reports in regional newspapers when a villager journalist describes, for example, the Xuan Beads ritual performed during the holiday, during which, under the June sun, ears of corn from one field are plucked and transferred to the neighboring one. Often in the same issue of the newspaper you can see reports and photographs from haymaking. This circumstance cannot be explained by the unprofessionalism of journalists: they are just following local ethnographers. Thus, on the pages of the popular textbook “Ethnography of the Udmurts,” Vladimir Vladykin and Lyudmila Khristolubova write: “ Important stage Peasant labor associated with the spring cultivation of the land ended with a holiday called in different places gerber, guzhem yuon, kuarsur.” Let us explain that both guzhem yuon (translated from Udmurt as “summer holiday”, “summer feast”) and kuarsur (“leaf beer” - a holiday associated with laying birch leaves on the kuala shelf) were celebrated, although in different places. - traditional traditions, but on the same St. Peter’s Day (June 29, old style). Both authors do not specify how the summer holiday, even by name, which according to the current calendar falls almost in mid-July, began to complete the spring cultivation of the land. And this is not the only oddity in the descriptions of the holiday provided by modern ethnographers. The same Vladimir Vladykin, in co-authorship with Tatyana Perevozchikova, writes that gerber is “a summer holiday held in the last days of the summer solstice”, that “now Gerber is strictly dedicated to July 12”, and at the same time “it is believed that this last holiday lands, the last summer holiday: before this day all spring land work in which the plow is used ends.” “It was also called kuarsur (“a holiday in honor of greenery”),” the named authors assure, “since at this time summer reaches its height.” Tatyana Minniyakhmetova says about the same thing: “Gerber is a mass holiday held after the completion of all spring land work with the use of a plow before the start of the harvest season. In the villages of the Uninsky district of the Kirov region... it was timed to coincide with July 21... Gerber is a thanksgiving ritual in honor of the completion of planting and sowing work, the sprouted grain... We can conclude that the ritual was carried out with the aim of asking the gods for the ripening of the grain, a good harvest... " Elena Popova, in her monograph dedicated to the Besermyans, states: “The middle of summer was called gerber (literally: the time after plowing), which lasted about a week and coincided with the summer solstice, and in the later tradition was dedicated to the days Peter and Paul (July 12)." Be that as it may, in our time all “spring land work using a plow” (in other words, plowing) in Udmurtia ends in the first ten days of May. According to data collected by Boris Gavrilov, Grigory Vereshchagin, Ioann Vasiliev and in our time based on archive materials by Margarita Grishkina, in the 18th-19th centuries sowing everywhere ended in the second ten days of May, while sowing was preceded by repeated harrowing, and seeding in the soil also took place harrowing, which took a lot of time from the farmer; however, even then plowing ended around the first ten days of May. In any case, celebrating “for the sake of the end of plowing” in July, that is, two months after the actual end of plowing, both in the old days and now looks at least strange. The researchers’ indication that the holiday was held “in the last days of the summer solstice” (which happens in the last ten days of June) is in no way consistent with the dates of the holiday that they themselves give – July 12, 2011. (Petrov Day) or July 21 n.st. For at least the 18th-20th centuries (and in fact even in more distant times), the end of spring field work in May, see above, could not possibly fall outside the period of the summer solstice. We sow spring crops in the first ten days of May, and sow winter crops in mid-August, so the July gerbera cannot be a holiday of “thanksgiving in honor of the end of planting and sowing work,” because it is celebrated in the long gap between these works. Our spring plants sprout in the third ten days of May, winter ones - in the third ten days of August, a week after sowing, therefore, gerberas in July cannot in any way be celebrated “in honor of the sprouted grains.” The dates of gerbera given by ethnographers (July 12 or 21) are close to the ripening period of winter rye on July 16-23 and the milky ripeness of spring wheat and oats on July 15-30. Of course, at this time, “asking the gods for a good harvest” is pointless - the winter crop harvest is already in full swing, the spring harvest is also visible in full, and cannot increase in any way. Gerber is noted in the phenological period early summer, and one cannot agree with the statement that summer “reaches its peak” during this period. Even from a purely formal point of view, Gerber is not at all the last summer holiday: after it, already in the period of full summer, it is still celebrated (Ilyin’s Day, August 2). One gets the impression that modern researchers in their descriptions at least do not take into account the generally known data of the phenological calendar. II. As in many similar cases, to clarify the situation we have to turn to the works of pre-revolutionary ethnographers - contemporaries of the tradition they describe. Nikolai Pervukhin, a researcher of the rituals of the Glazov Udmurts, writes in most detail about the gerbera (and his description, of course, is very different from the picture of the holiday that can be observed now). “Now is the holiday “Dzek-Gerber”<‘большой гербер’>coincides with Christian holiday St. Peter and Paul (June 29), but whether it coincided before, this cannot be said. In any case, this holiday gave the Votyaks a rest after arable land and spring sowing and before the start of the hay harvest... in the evening, representatives of the families go to the dzek-kvala<‘большую куа- лу’>with prepared supplies ... and eat the porridge here in the usual manner, and with a zek-pop<‘старшим жрецом’> a prayer is read for deliverance from hail, worms, fire and strong winds, as well as for the sending of strength, dexterity and health in the upcoming haymaking. On the morning of the 30th, the housewives again cook pancakes... for the prayer of this day, which is called “jag utchan” i.e. show of rye, or “dzheg sektan” – honoring rye.” In addition to the ‘large gerbera’, there was also a ‘small gerbera’, Pochi gerbera, which marked the end of haymaking and was dedicated to Ilyin’s day, i.e. gone even further into the summer. At the same time, rituals associated with rye (dzheg utchan, dzheg sektan) are mentioned not by chance: the date of the holiday, July 12 BC, in accordance with phenological observations, is the eve of the ripening of winter rye in Udmurtia. The prayer read on this day lists natural factors that are hostile to the ripened grain crop: hail, worms, fire and wind. The ceremony of viewing, or honoring rye, performed on the second day of gerbera, by definition, has nothing in common with the long-ago plowing. In addition, Pervukhin cites the following texts of prayers said during spring rituals: “... let each straw grow into 12 knees before the gerbera!”, “... in the gerbera, when we go out to work, toil, while mowing and drying hay, while throwing haystacks, give us lightness and strength!” For both the northern and southern traditions at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, observers (Pervukhin, Vasiliev) indicate the same time for celebrating the gerbera - Peter's Day, when the time for completion of plowing has long passed: arable land and sowing take place two months before. Nevertheless, gerberas were undoubtedly celebrated in the spring. The same Ioann Vasiliev points out: “Peter’s Day (also) Gera-ber is a family holiday, for the sake of finishing arable land.” Here, attention is drawn not only to the obvious contradiction between the date and timing of the holiday, as is the case with Pervukhin, but also its qualification as a family holiday, while Pervukhin portrays this holiday as a community holiday. It’s as if the etymology of the word gerber, derived from the words gera ‘plow’ (it is not difficult to explain the transformation of the word gera into the word ger) and ber ‘backside, ass; what is behind' indicates the spring nature of the holiday: usually in the use of the word ger(s) 'plow' they see metonymy and designation of plowing, and the component ber is interpreted - not without significant grammatical stretch - as a synonym for the Udmurt postposition bere ' after'. In this case, the whole word should apparently mean ‘(holiday) after plowing’. How can such contradictory instructions be reconciled? The information of Boris Gavrilov, who studied the local traditions of the Udmurts of the Kazan province, seems fundamentally important. Gavrilov, just like Pervukhin, mentions not one, but two gerberas, large and small, but at the same time gives different dates and indicates a different timing, and most importantly, considers the holidays themselves in the context of a series of sacred actions performed worshiped by the Udmurts throughout the year - prayers, during which porridge with beef is sacrificed. “General prayers, originating from private ones,” writes Gavrilov, “are performed by the entire village, which is why they differ from private ones, because there are the same priests, the same setting and purpose as in private ones, with the exception of the place: general ones are performed in fields, private ones - in kualas. These general qurbons are performed after sowing flax, at the end of May or at the beginning of June and at the end of haymaking, near large rivers, near which there are mostly meadows... If the rivers are small, then there are no common sacrifices and the votyaks of such villages are limited to making only private qurbons, and each family kills in its own cuala a young ram, promised at the beginning of haymaking, which is eaten right there, as a sign of gratitude for the successful completion of haymaking, under the same conditions and rituals in which private ancestral sacrifices are performed. After this they feast, calling their feast pochi ger ber, in contrast to the real ger ber, which is celebrated shortly after the end of sowing.” The above, apparently, allows us to remove the contradiction in the definition of gerbera either as a community holiday or as a family holiday. Further, both researchers agree that important operations of the agricultural cycle were celebrated among the Udmurts with a special sacrifice. The time of those celebrations that were timed to coincide with the end of sowing, the beginning or end of haymaking could be called a gerbera, and if one holiday was called a gerbera itself or a large gerbera, then the next one after it could be called a small gerbera. III. In later times, gerberas, apparently, were confined mainly to the beginning of haymaking. Why did this particular technological operation stand out among others as a special holiday? Firstly, due to the special significance of haymaking in the life of a peasant. An analysis of acts of purchase and sale, mortgage and lease of agricultural land in the 19th century shows that the sale price, the assessed value and the rental price of hayfields are ten times higher than similar indicators for arable land. This can be explained by the fact that the productivity of haymaking in value terms was greater than the productivity of arable land: using hay, it was possible to create a much more significant surplus use value (high-calorie products for the family) and exchange value (goods for the market). For hay (or for livestock products obtained through this hay) it was possible to earn much more on the market than for grain obtained from the same area with less labor intensity in hay procurement. The reason that the peasant, especially those living in the outback, could not narrowly specialize, abandoning agriculture in favor of feed production, was primarily the underdevelopment of commodity-money relations and the extreme labor intensity of storing and moving hay and livestock products to the market. This summer holiday opened the next phenological season - full summer, that is, it was neither spring nor pre-autumn (last summer). Our conclusion regarding the subjective and phenological content of this holiday is fully consistent with the testimony of Tatyana Minniyakhmetova that in the Uninsky district of the Kirov region in our time gerberas are dedicated to July 21. Unfortunately, we do not currently have access to sources on the agroclimatic situation in the Kirov region, but the Uninsky district is located at the latitude of the Debyossky and Krasnogorsky districts of Udmurtia (in the northern climatic zone), and according to long-term observations, the ripening date of winter rye for these districts - July 22-23. The real basis of the holiday here is no longer a rest from spring labors, but preparation for the harvest season, including through the performance of ritual actions from the field of protective and production magic: the peasant felt the need for supreme intercession in preserving the fruits of his year’s labor - grain and hay Secondly, in addition to the declared sacred side, the prayer organized during such a gerbera also had, it seems, a completely prosaic purpose. This holiday in the life of a villager was followed by a period of intense, almost round-the-clock work. In just a few days from mid-July to early August, he had to cope with haymaking, harvesting and sowing winter crops. Delay in any of these technological operations resulted in a shortage of harvest and an impending famine. Therefore, everyone who was able to work went to the harvest and worked until they dropped. This was for them what is designated by the (today discredited) term “battle for the harvest.” Both ethnographic sources and simple acquaintance with peasant life tell us that everyday peasant food contains mainly plant components. All components of the daily diet, with the exception of milk, are low in calories, contain almost no proteins, and are low in fats and carbohydrates. In addition, during the harvest there is simply no one to prepare food that requires long-term processing (by the way, in the summer you cannot cook thick porridge or meat in a home oven every day and you cannot bake bread every day, since it is already hot in the hut; It is logical that during gerbera the family eats porridge with beef in the place where it was prepared - in the kuala, which is used as a summer kitchen). Russian peasants in the Urals stockpiled food resources for the suffering in the form of high-calorie canned food, usable with minimal preparation (the ancestors of one of the authors of these lines stored corned beef in the cellar, prepared for the suffering days back in winter - all of it was eaten to support the strength of the members families on these days). In conditions of communal life and the practice of sacrificial cult, the peasant, however, does not have urgent need preserve meat to get extra nutrition before the harvest. After all, he can participate in public prayer, during which he will receive his portion of the meat of a sacrificial animal. Thus, eating ritual food, primarily meat, as well as butter, gave the Udmurt community member, especially the poor, the opportunity to introduce into the body proteins and fats that were so necessary at exactly the right moment, obtaining them in another way would have been difficult for him at this time. time is difficult or impossible. “The feast before haymaking lasted 2-3 days.” IV. So, in different local traditions, gerberas were noted in different time, could be marked twice (as ‘(large) gerber’ and as the following ‘small gerber’) and be associated with different technological agricultural operations; Moreover, in other local traditions, holidays with different names could be timed to coincide with the same operations. Summer gerberas, as a rule, corresponded with the day of Peter and Paul (June 29, old style), and its subjective side consisted in production magical rites and actions to preserve standing winter crops during the period of ripening and harvesting. After the holiday, haymaking and harvesting began. The holiday fell precisely on the “working low-water period” – days of natural pause in the farmer’s technological cycle (“before Peter’s Day, field work is interrupted for two weeks”). Today, understanding of the real foundations and functions of the gerbera holiday has been largely lost. It is hardly possible now to restore the understanding of gerbera as a holiday that opens haymaking, since the timing of gerbera has significantly shifted towards spring: if in the 19th century, let us recall, it was celebrated on July 12th. (and in some places on July 21), now they celebrate a month earlier (in the south of Udmurtia and northern Tatarstan they usually celebrate Gyron Bydton - an analogue of the spring gerbera, literally 'the end of plowing' - in the first ten days of June, in the first or second Sunday of the month). In this form, it rather symbolizes the end of spring as a phenological and calendar season. Even where gerberas (under the name gyron bydton) are celebrated in July (as was the case, for example, on July 10, 2004 in the Mendeleevsky district of the Republic of Tatarstan), fantastic explanations of clearly later origin are given to justify the celebration. The reasons for all these transformations on the surface are the internationalization of the life of the villagers, fundamental changes in the technology of agricultural labor, the erosion of the religious component of the holiday, the disagreement of local traditions, which has complicated the understanding of the essence of gerbera. All this led to the actual merging of several different holidays into one in the popular consciousness. When the people's artist of Udmurtia Semyon Vinogradov called in 1990 for the establishment of an essentially new holiday in which gerber (Peter's Day), gershid (Trinity) and gyron bydton would merge, such a merger had already happened in practice in many places a few years later it was institutionalized in the form of the already mentioned republican folklore festival “Gerber”. It is curious that the Tatar Sabantui underwent exactly the same transformations: the date of celebration shifted, as a result of which Sabantui essentially merged with the Dzhien holiday and became international. The internationalization of the holiday especially saddens the nationalist intelligentsia, both among the Tatars in relation to Sabantuy, and, alas, among the Udmurts in relation to gerbera. To be fair, it should be noted that almost all of the non-Udmurt Gerber participants, as well as a fair portion of the Udmurts, perceive this holiday only as another reason for fun, and have absolutely no idea of ​​the circumstances under which this holiday arose, and the meaning that he carried in the old days. But in the long term this could lead to the final degeneration of the holiday and its complete loss. Obviously, in addition to the absolutely necessary popularization of the historical aspects of the summer gerbera as a holiday that celebrated preparation for haymaking and harvesting of cereals, some rethinking is also necessary ancient holiday taking into account its current state. Such work could well involve not only ethnologists, but also local cultural workers, through whose efforts gerberas are held annually, being an important tool in strengthening ethnic tolerance and promoting Udmurt culture. Notes The “main” gerbera passes approximately as follows. In the morning on the appointed day, people gathered for the holiday participate in folk festival: they go from house to house, treat themselves, sing songs and have fun, after which they gradually gather in one place (usually in a large meadow), where a stage has already been set up and cauldrons for cooking porridge with meat are placed. The participants of the holiday are greeted by local and republican leaders, they also reward the distinguished villagers, after which (around noon) porridge is prepared and a symbolic prayer takes place. The porridge is then eaten by the gerbera participants, for whom all kinds of concerts, competitions, sports competitions, and traveling trade are also organized. Folk festivities can continue until late in the evening. Vladykin V.E., Hristolyubova L.S. Ethnography of the Udmurts. Izhevsk, 1991. P. 84 Vasiliev I. Review of pagan rituals, superstitions and beliefs of the Votyaks of the Kazan and Vyatka provinces. Kazan, 1906.P.37. Buch, Max. Die Wotjaken. Eine ethnologische Studie. Helsingfors, 1882. S. 128. Vladykin V. E., Perevozchikova T. G. Annual ritual cycle of the Udmurt community “buskel” (materials for folk calendar) // Specifics of genres of Udmurt folklore. Izhevsk, 1990. pp. 60-61. Minniyakhmetova T. G. Calendar rituals Trans-Kama Udmurts. Izhevsk, 2004. P. 64 Popova E.V. Calendar rites of the Besermians. Izhevsk, 2004. P.125. Gavrilov B. Works of folk literature, rituals and beliefs of the Votyaks of the Kazan and Vyatka provinces. Kazan, 1880. P. 157; Vereshchagin G.E. Communal land ownership among the Votyaks of the Sarapul district // Collected Works. T. 3, book. 1. Izhevsk, 1998. P. 91; Vasiliev I. Review of pagan rituals, superstitions and beliefs of the Votyaks of the Kazan and Vyatka provinces. Kazan. P. 86; Grishkina M.V. Peasantry of Udmurtia in the 18th century. Izhevsk, 1977. P. 49. Agroclimatic reference book for the Udmurt Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. L., 1961. S. 76-78. Right there. Pervukhin N. G. Sketches of legends and life of foreigners of the Glazov district. Sketch II. The idolatrous ritual of the ancient Votyaks in its traces in the stories of old people and in modern rituals. Vyatka, 1888. pp. 68-70. There, p. 24 Ibid., p. 69-70 Pervukhin N. G. Sketches of legends and life of foreigners of the Glazov district. Sketch III. Traces of pagan antiquity in samples of works of oral folk poetry of the Votyaks (lyrical and didactic). Vyatka, b.g. pp. 8,11. Vasiliev I. Review... P. 86. Vladykin V. E. Religious and mythological picture of the world of the Udmurts. Izhevsk, 1994. P. 192. Gavrilov B. Works... P. 164. Holidays dedicated to technological operations were community and family, since the technological operations themselves were community and family. For example, in the conditions of a land community and a three-field system, forced crop rotation was in effect - each community field (spring, winter, fallow) was divided into strips. Users of all strips had to perform each of the operations before sowing simultaneously, so that the growing season of plants of the same species on all strips of a given field occurred synchronously. The starting signal for these operations was given through a community holiday. The holiday could also mark the end of the operation. Here, participation in the holiday was for each householder a kind of report on the work done on time and a demonstration of his loyalty to the community: after all, if the owner of the strip could not cultivate the soil and sow it, his neighbors in the field, or the community together, should have done this, guided by completely mercantile considerations - the unsown strip became overgrown with weeds, which littered the entire field, which reduced the yield and required additional labor for weeding. Latyshev N.N. Udmurts on the eve of the reform of 1861. Izhevsk, 1939. P.110-113. Agroclimatic reference book... P. 76. Vasiliev I. Review... P. 22. Pervukhin N. G. Sketches of legends and life of foreigners of the Glazov district. Sketch V. Traces of pagan antiquity in the superstitious rituals of the everyday life of the Votyaks from cradle to grave. Vyatka, 1890. P.51. “...“Gyron Bydton” is held in the meadow at the very beautiful time- during the flowering period. According to Udmurt beliefs, on June 1, their God “Eight” flies from the Kupala prayer temple to the meadows and returns back on St. Peter’s Day (July 12). Therefore, during this period they pray not in the temple, but in nature. And so as not to inadvertently offend God or accidentally offend him, from June 1 to July 12 it is forbidden to pick flowers and meadow grasses” // Official server of the Republic of Tatarstan. http://www.tatar.ru/? DNSID=c7a9912c461f21bf12b2a191eb10768e&node_id=2818 Vinogradov S. Gerber – Kalyk holiday // Soviet Udmurtia. Izhevsk 1990, June 22. C.4. Wed. eg Vladykin V.E., Hristolyubova L.S. Ethnography of the Udmurts. Izhevsk, 1991. P. 87, Vladykin V. E. Religious and mythological picture of the world of the Udmurts. Izhevsk, 1994. P. 187. “...The Russians have “Karavon”, the Chuvash have “Uyav”, the Mordvins have “Baltai”, the Udmurts celebrate “Gyron-Bydton”, the Mari - “Semyk”. What do the Tatars have? Saban-tuy? - asks Siraji. Sabantuy has long turned into an international holiday... It is important for me that the Tatars have a national holiday... It is important that this holiday is conducted in the Tatar language, so that Russians are guests at it. So that at least one day a year passes without vodka and pork” // Musina A. In search of the lost? One sabantuy will not be enough // Evening Kazan. Kazan, 2004. June 16. “The chairman of the organization “Udmurt Kenesh” Valentin Tubylov has his own opinion: ... Some say: Gerber - Public Holiday. I don’t agree with those who say this. “Semyk” of the Mari – is this also a state event?.. Gerber is a holiday of the Udmurt people. Well, some other events can be dedicated to international friendship” (translated from udm.) // Vinogradova E. Ton cheber, Gerber! // Udmurt Dunne. Izhevsk, 2001. June 14. [*] Korobeinikov, Alexey Vladimirovich (1961) – Udmurt State University, Faculty of History, Department of Archeology and History of Primitive Society, applicant. Sakharnykh, Denis Mikhailovich (1978) – Udmurt State University, Institute of Social Communications, Department of History and Political Science, applicant. First published in the online publication “Ethno Magazine - Ethnonet.ru”

Gerber Holiday: bright photos and video, detailed description and reviews of the Gerber Festival event in 2019.

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Russia is a multinational and multicultural country. Only, unfortunately, some people forget about this. And if many have at least heard about such a Bashkir-Tatar-Chuvash holiday as Sabantuy, then when asked what “Gerber” is, most of the respondents first scratched their heads, and then answered in a drawn-out manner, “such a flower, a daisy.”

Gerber or gyron bydton (udm. “end of plowing”) - traditional Udmurt holiday, dedicated to the harmonious union of nature and man. However, recently it has been considered a celebration of the end of spring field work. Modern holiday Gerber may be of interest to both Udmurts and tourists who want to join the culture of this people.

History paragraph

The ancient Gerber holiday was once celebrated in every village of Udmurtia annually at the end of spring. However, after the revolution this is significant for everyone involved in agriculture In Udmurt, the event began to take place in the summer. In 1992, Gerber was recognized by the government of Udmurtia as a national holiday.

Where does it take place?

Interestingly, Gerber did not have a permanent venue until recently (2010). Every year guests were welcomed in different parts of the Udmurt Republic. Since 2010, the holiday has been held on the territory of the Architectural and Ethnographic Museum-Reserve “Ludorvai”.

How to get there

From Izhevsk you can get to Ludorvai by bus No. 109 from the “Yuzhnaya Avtostanciya” stop or by bus No. 151 from the “Ulitsa Gagarina” stop.

What's interestnig

There was always something to do on Gerbera. For example, you can try delicious national cuisine: crispy peppers and crumbly porridge prepared according to an old recipe. Moreover, local grandmothers treat everyone for free. Numerous concert programs, where creative groups and solo artists of many genres perform - from folk songs to modern dances.

There is an exhibition and sale of souvenirs, where everyone can purchase a piece of Udmurt culture. Competition lovers are invited to take part in one of the traditional competitions. The selection of the strongest couple and all kinds of children's programs are carried out. In a word, no one will be bored at Gerbera.

If you want to join the culture of one of the most ancient peoples of our country or just want to have a good time and are nearby, then this event is definitely worth visiting.

Diana Chaynikova

The national Udmurt holiday Gerber was once celebrated in every corner of Udmurtia. Since 1992, it has acquired the status of an all-republican event, which attracts not only residents of the region, but also guests from neighboring regions and from all over the country.

The holiday comes from various narrow local traditions of the Udmurts, Galina Glukhova, deputy director for academic affairs at the Institute of Udmurt Philology, Finno-Ugric Studies and Journalism of Udmurt State University, told IA Udmurtia. If for the northern Udmurts it is Gerber, then for the southern ones it is Gershid. Among the southern Udmurts it lasted several days - almost a week, and each day was dedicated to praying to some deity, while among the northern ones it was combined with haymaking, and the celebration took place over the course of one day. Beautifully and smartly dressed Udmurts went out into the meadows with a scythe. They chose a person who was “easy on hand,” for whom everything was going smoothly, and he started mowing. They mowed just a little, and then the common meal began.